U.S. and European Union Views on China


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Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui February 17, 2025Enjeu Global Tridimensionnel Américain: Russie, Chine, et Union Européenne Dans un contexte de tensions croissantes, les récentes déclarations … Continue readingEnjeu Global Tridimensionnel Américain: Russie, Chine, et Union Européenne



Recently, Jeremie NI had lunch with some Chinese people who had participated in factory construction projects in Europe. Apparently, they had bitter memories of their collaboration with the Europeans.

The team leader told Jeremie NI:

” In our field, the Chinese have technologies, not only in product design, but also in production processes. This is why Europeans import Chinese manufacturing equipment. We came to Europe precisely to install these machines.

He continued: we are specialists in this sector and we master the necessary know-how. However, Europeans are very wary of the Chinese, as if they were still afraid that we wanted to steal their expertise. Personally, I am constantly accompanied by a European in the factory. Even when I go to the toilet, I am observed from afar. This distrust, even this contempt for the Chinese, has caused a lot of indignation in our team. In response, we avoid talking to them and we limit ourselves strictly to what is provided for in the contract, nothing more. Conversely, in China, we are truly devoted. But in Europe, because of this heavy atmosphere, our behavior changes in spite of ourselves. He concluded: this is why technology transfer projects in Europe are progressing so slowly. Of course, there are communication problems and also the inadequacy of Chinese personnel for missions in Europe, but the very distant, even cold, attitude of the Europeans is a major cause”.

Jeremie NI was shocked to hear such comments. His story reminded him of a training course he gave to Chinese engineers from Alstom, in Wuhan, fifteen years ago. In the middle of it, a Frenchman entered the room, and several Chinese engineers stood up to greet him. This French engineer told Jeremie NI: the Chinese are curious and want to learn as much as possible.



The way a Chinese looks at a European is very different from the way a European looks at a Chinese. This is partly explained by the demonization of China in the European media.

The management of European factories is aware of the need to introduce Chinese technology, but on the ground, engineers and technicians do not yet seem ready to humbly learn from their Chinese partners.

Jeremie NI also heard that the Chinese have withheld certain information to slow down the transfer of technologies. If this turns out to be true, it would be a serious mistake on their part.

A Chinese proverb says:
十年种树,百年育人
Ten years to plant a tree, a hundred years to forge a spirit.

According to Jeremie NI, it will therefore take time for Europeans to change their view of the Chinese. But being aware of this necessity is already a big step towards a fruitful collaboration between the two parties.

A post by Jeremie NI • Fin observateur du marché EV chinois I Fondateur et directeur, recrutement des talents sinophiles en Europe et en Chine I Fondateur et directeur de Institut Formation Chine • Le Club Panda & Coq – Edited and Translated by Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui


Key aspects of the US and Europe’s differing views on China:

The US has increasingly viewed China as a strategic competitor and a threat to its global leadership, emphasizing security risks and advocating for economic “de-risking” or even decoupling from China. This is reflected in policies like export controls on technology and trade restrictions. 



For European countries, the approach toward China remained driven by balancing cooperation and competition. Individual members of the European Union have maintained separated and particular relationship with China while acknowledging China’s systemic rivalry and concerns about human rights and trade practices, the EU has sought to maintain a more balanced approach. It aims to cooperate with China on climate change, trade, and other areas while also addressing concerns about competition and human rights. 

Within such scope, the European Union adopted a “Derisking Strategy” of its economy from China, which is a less extreme approach than decoupling. This involves diversifying supply chains, reducing reliance on China for critical technologies and resources, and strengthening resilience to potential economic disruptions. 

The European Union does not consider China on the sole needs for its economic objectives and cooperation. European countries had older direct relations with China and have played a certain influence in making what is China today during centuries of connections. Within such direct contact, European Union have developed a frame of economic cooperation while adapting its content with security concerns.

Europe has sought to maintain economic ties with China through trade agreements like the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI), it has also faced increasing pressure from the United States and internal concerns about China’s growing influence and potential security risks. 



U.S., Europe and China

The United States and the European Union have raised concerns about human rights in China, particularly regarding the treatment of Uyghurs and Hong Kong’s autonomy. However, Europe has been more hesitant to impose sanctions or take other punitive measures compared to the United States.  The United States and the EU have significant trade and investment relationships with China, but the United States has been moving towards a more protectionist stance, while the European Union is trying to navigate the complex landscape of maintaining economic ties while addressing concerns about China’s economic practices and influence. 

In fact, the United States and the European Union considers China as a significant player on the global stage, their approaches to engaging with China differ significantly. The US prioritizes security concerns and economic decoupling, while Europe seeks a more balanced approach, emphasizing cooperation while addressing competition and concerns about China’s economic and political influence. 


Said El Mansour Cherkaoui’s insights on China, while not directly addressing the US-Europe divide, higlight the importance of understanding chinese culture and building relationships for successful business and navigating challenges, particularly in the context of China’s growing power.

Cherkaoui’s perspective aligns with the need for a deeper understanding of China’s culture and business practices to navigate the complexities of the relationship, regardless of the specific political and economic strategies adopted by the US and Europe. 


The current landscape of global technological competition has taken a significant turn, with Western democracies appearing to fall behind in several critical areas. The competitive edge that used to be associated with Western nations, primarily the US, in terms of scientific research breakthroughs, retention of global talent, and technological development, is now under threat. This decline is evident in various sectors that are fundamental to the development and control of the world’s most vital and emerging technologies.

China, through deliberate design and strategic long-term policy planning, has managed to establish itself as a dominant force in the global science and technology arena. According to the research by ASPI, China leads in 37 out of 44 critical technology fields being tracked. These fields include defense, space, robotics, energy, biotechnology, artificial intelligence (AI), advanced materials, and key areas of quantum technology. The Critical Technology Tracker reveals that China’s top research institutions, such as the Chinese Academy of Sciences, are producing high-impact research papers at an astonishing rate, often outpacing their global counterparts by a significant margin.



One of the areas where China’s technological prowess is most pronounced is in defense and space-related technologies. The development of nuclear-capable hypersonic missiles by China, which reportedly caught US intelligence off guard in 2021, exemplifies their advanced capabilities. This instance also highlights a critical gap in the timely identification and analysis of emerging technological advancements by Western nations. Had tools like ASPI’s Critical Technology Tracker been in use earlier, such developments might have been anticipated more accurately.

A noteworthy aspect of China’s strategy is its ability to import talent and knowledge. A significant proportion of China’s high-impact research papers are authored by researchers who have received postgraduate training in countries that are part of the Five Eyes intelligence alliance. This aspect of talent acquisition has been a crucial factor in bolstering China’s research capabilities.

The comparative analysis provided by the Critical Technology Tracker indicates that while the US still holds a leading position in certain areas such as high-performance computing, quantum computing, and vaccines, the gap between the US and China is substantial. Following the US, a second-tier group of countries, including India, the UK, South Korea, Germany, Australia, and Italy, emerge in various technological fields, although none match the level of China or the US.

The implications of China’s lead in research and technology are profound for democratic nations. In the long term, China’s dominant position could potentially shift global power and influence, particularly if its advancements in emerging and critical technologies continue unchecked. The lack of transparency and independent scrutiny in China’s development and application of these technologies could pose significant challenges to the global technological ecosystem and the rules-based international order.

In the immediate term, China’s ability to translate research breakthroughs into commercial systems and products efficiently could give it a significant advantage in controlling the global supply of critical technologies. This situation is exacerbated by the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) readiness to use coercive measures, including withholding the supply of critical technologies, to exert influence and punish other governments and businesses.

Therefore, it’s imperative for Western democracies to take robust measures to bridge the gap in understanding and managing the critical technology ecosystem. Without these efforts, the risk of a single nation or a few countries dominating emerging industries becomes more pronounced, potentially jeopardizing access to trusted and secure critical technology supply chains for the rest of the world. It is a clarion call for sustained investment, strategic planning, and international cooperation to ensure a balanced and secure technological future.



China Continual Leap forward

Higher levels of research citations from China shows increased attention from the international research community. 

China has become the largest contributor to global research output, surpassing the USA in research volume in 2017. Reports indicate a five-fold increase in China’s publication output from 2009 to 20211. China produces the highest volume of citable research papers, 40% more than the USA. In 2022, Chinese research constituted 27.2% of the world’s top 1% most frequently cited papers, compared to 24.9% for the USA. The Chinese Academy of Sciences ranks highly across many critical technology fields. For some technologies, all of the world’s top 10 leading research institutions are based in China, collectively generating nine times more high-impact research papers than the second-ranked country.

China’s research impact has been steadily increasing since 2000 and is now comparable with much of Europe and the USA. China now contributes as many or more Highly Cited Papers as the USA and other leading research nations. One-fifth of China’s high-impact research papers are authored by researchers with postgraduate training in a Five-Eyes country. This talent acquisition strategy has bolstered China’s research capabilities.

China has made significant advancements in defense and space-related technologies. For example, China’s development of nuclear-capable hypersonic missiles reportedly took US intelligence by surprise in August 2021. It is rapidly catching up with the US in space capabilities, with plans to launch mega-constellations of satellites for global internet coverage by 2030. China’s space technology development is progressing at twice the pace of the United States.

These data points and examples highlight the significant strides China has made in the global technological competition and underscore the challenges faced by Western democracies in maintaining their competitive edge.


Table 1: Lead country and technology monopoly risk.

Illustration of eyes that show the China flag and the US flag looking around.

The think tank notes that for some of these technologies, the ten leading research institutions are based in China and are collectively generating nine times more high-impact research papers than the second-ranked country, which is usually the US. What could be especially worrying for America is that two areas where China really excels are Defense and space-related technologies. ASPI writes that China’s advancements in nuclear-capable hypersonic missiles took the US by surprise in 2021.


Read more at: https://www.aspi.org.au/report/critical-technology-trackerASPI’s Critical Technology Tracker – The global race for future power

Dr Jamie Gaida , Dr Jennifer Wong Leung , Stephan Robin & Danielle Cave

https://www.aspi.org.au/report/critical-technology-tracker


The US and Europe have increasingly diverging views on China, with the US taking a more hardline stance on security and economic risks, while Europe seeks a more nuanced approach balancing cooperation and competition. 



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